However, the increase in the president’s power and authority over foreign policy decision-making was not solely due to the factors outlined by Abshire or because presidents were overstretching their authority as Commander in Chief, but some powers were actually actively delegated to the office of the president by Congress. Congressional abdication of power to the presidency actually goes back further than our focus here on the Second World War would suggest. In 1921, Congress passed the Budget Act which granted the president the authority to determine national priorities by setting and submitting the annual federal budget to Congress (Trimble 1989: 752). In addition, there was the famous Curtiss-Wright Decision of 1936, which “has given impressive and enormously influential support to the executive branch in its constant struggles with the legislature over the conduct of foreign policy” (Mervin 1993: 141) and “affirmed the President’s use of broad powers” (Dobson and Marsh 2006: 8). Another instance where Congress conferred much authority onto the president was the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. This Act, effectively, gave President Johnson a ‘carte blanche’ to use all force he deemed necessary to fight the Vietnam War (Dobson and Marsh 2006: 104). By doing this, Congress actually surrendered its duty to check the use of force by the Commander in Chief, the executive, and thus, as with the Curtiss-Wright decision, set a precedent for future presidential use of force. All in all, to put it in the words of Arthur Schlesinger, it can be argued that “it was as much a matter of congressional abdication as of presidential usurpation” (Schlesinger 1973: ix).